Lynn & Sedley's shop assistants' working and living conditions
Of Human BondageLynn & Sedley's shop assistants' working and living conditions are marked by low wages, demanding hours, crowded housing, and a system of deductions that narrows workers’ already limited choices. Through Philip Carey’s employment, the novel traces the conditions from the six-shilling weekly wage and shop-floor routine to the shared beds of Harrington Street, the aching feet produced by standing, and the meagre cash remaining after pay-day charges. A later change in Philip’s duties brings creative work and recognition, but not an immediate rise in wages: skill alters his place in the department before it improves his income.
Wages, deductions, and control
Philip’s employment begins with a manager’s offer of six shillings a week and his keep, with the money described as pocket money paid monthly. The arrangement places food and lodging within the terms of his job, while leaving him with little cash to manage independently. The nominal wage conceals the costs attached to remaining in the staff’s system: two shillings a month are stopped for the social evenings, which also cover medical attendance and access to a library of worn novels, and another four shillings go to washing. Philip calculates that a quarter of his six-shilling weekly wage will never reach him in pay.
The deductions are only part of the pressure. Wages are handed out monthly by a secretary who checks each employee against a book, names the sum due, and counts the coins from wooden bowls. The orderly queue gives the payment a procedural, almost impersonal character; after receiving his wages, each assistant must proceed to another secretary to pay the washing charge, club fee, and any fines. The system makes deductions immediate and compulsory, while the remaining money must stretch until the next pay-day.
Philip is left with eighteen shillings from his first month’s earnings. Rather than feeling proud of having earned wages, he is dismayed by how little remains and by what the amount says about his prospects. He takes fifteen shillings to Mrs. Athelny toward what he owes her, but she accepts no more than half a sovereign. The gap between work performed and usable earnings sharpens the insecurity behind the job’s apparent regularity.
The shop floor and the working day
The store’s routine gives Philip little time to settle in. At one o’clock he joins the assistants’ dinner in a large room on the top floor, where the windows stay shut against dust and the smell of cooking hangs over long tables. Workers crowd onto forms still warm from the earlier sitting. Food is passed along quickly, and the noisy meal is part of a day governed by the store’s schedule rather than by individual preference.
The start and end of the day are similarly controlled. A bell wakes the residents of the staff house at seven; by a quarter to eight they are dressed and hurrying downstairs in their stockinged feet to find their boots. They must reach the shop for breakfast by eight or go without it, and those who cannot make the deadline sometimes buy buns near their lodgings, spending money they can ill afford. Philip eats bread and butter and drinks tea before beginning work at half past eight.
As a shop walker, Philip spends his time directing customers, repeating the same instructions until the words come mechanically. The task is monotonous and tiring, but its physical cost is not abstract: after a few days his feet hurt so much that he can hardly stand. The thick, soft carpets make them burn, and even taking off his socks at night becomes painful. Other floor-walkers say that constant sweating ruins their socks and boots. At first Philip can hardly walk after work and spends evenings at Harrington Street with his feet in a pail of cold water. His damaged feet make the store’s apparently ordinary service routine a sustained bodily strain.
Harrington Street and the limits of private life
The staff accommodation extends the discipline of the job into the hours outside it. The former bootmaker’s shop at Harrington Street is dark, its shop window boarded up for most of its height and unable to open; only a small skylight provides ventilation. Philip is spared the bed in that room, but sleeps instead in a top-floor room containing six beds and little else. Each resident has a trunk or box; the new arrival receives one of the small drawers, although the identical keys make the locks of limited use. The shared lavatory has eight basins in a row, and its adjoining room contains two stained baths.
There is scarcely privacy at night. The assistants eat bacon sandwiches bought nearby, and several owe money to Mrs. Fletcher, the sandwich seller, who extends credit toward the end of the month. After the gas goes out, some residents gather at the window in nightclothes, calling down to passers-by and watching workers in the brightly lit tailoring workshop opposite. Later, Bell crosses the dark room by jumping from bed to bed, talking as he goes. Philip’s sleeping space is crowded not just with beds and trunks but with other people’s schedules and habits; solitude, when he has been accustomed to it, becomes a luxury he cannot count on.
The same timetable resumes in the morning. A bell calls the assistants out of bed, the breakfast deadline restricts when they can eat, and the workday begins again at half past eight. The repeated sequence leaves little room for recovery: Philip’s aching feet continue to trouble him, while the shared room supplies neither privacy nor a quiet interval away from the company of the other men.
Social support and the cost of dependence
The staff’s deductions help pay for social evenings held on alternate Mondays, but Philip’s experience also reveals that the store’s organized social life is a grievance rather than an uncomplicated benefit. Its two-shilling monthly charge is taken from wages whether or not the event answers an individual assistant’s needs. Washing costs more, and together the charges make the small weekly wage smaller still. The job thus regulates leisure as well as work: the assistants’ social provision is bundled into a system of compulsory payments.
Outside the store, Mrs. Fletcher offers a more personal kind of support. Known to the assistants as Ma, she sells their usual supper but lets them buy on credit near the end of the month and sometimes lends money to someone in difficulty. When dismissed workers cannot find another job, she has given them food without charge. The assistants respond to her kindness with genuine affection, kissing her cheek when they leave or return from holidays. Her generosity does not alter their wages or working conditions, but it softens the consequences when the system leaves them short of money or work.
Philip finds another form of relief in his Sunday visits to Mrs. Athelny and Thorpe Athelny. Their friendly household, a meal, and conversation offer a contrast to the shop and crowded lodgings. Yet the refuge does not make the working arrangement bearable indefinitely. Exhaustion prevents Philip from concentrating on his medical books, and he fears being stuck at the store indefinitely, repeating his directions to customers and grateful merely to keep his post. His prospects seem to depend on the death of his uncle, which he begins to wish for because he believes the inheritance would allow him to return to hospital training. The store’s insecurity therefore shapes not only his daily routine but his most desperate calculation about how to resume his intended profession.
Skill, reassignment, and unequal reward
Philip’s artistic training eventually becomes useful inside the business. After drawing a costume design that satisfies the buyer and Mrs. Hodges, he is asked to produce designs for country customers. The work succeeds, and the buyer begins describing him to clients as a clever young Paris art-student. Philip moves from walking the shop to drawing behind a screen in his shirt sleeves, sometimes working so continuously that he has to dine late with the stragglers. The reassignment changes the texture of his day: the repetitive customer directions give way to work that uses his drawing ability.
That change also alters how colleagues regard him. Harris, who had attached himself to Philip when he first arrived, cannot hide his bitterness and predicts that Philip may one day become a buyer and be addressed as sir. He urges Philip to ask for higher wages, since Philip is now doing difficult work but still receives the original six shillings a week. The contrast exposes the separation between skill and reward within the store: Philip’s cultural training becomes valuable to the department, but recognition and improved pay do not arrive together. His new duties make advancement imaginable without yet freeing him from the low-wage conditions that define the assistants’ lives.